In her press statement dated 24 December 2009, US Ambassador to the United Nations, Susan Rice, had the audacity to claim that the UN Security Council resolution 1907 (2009) was an African initiative (Rice’s 23 December 2009 Press Statement). This was eerily reminiscent of Colin Powell asserting to the whole world that Iraq possessed weapons of mass destructions (WMD) (5 February 2003; for more information).  Of course, that assertion was never proven [that assertion proved to be flimsy] and the rest is history, the grave ramifications of which we are still witnessing.  However, this moment of subterfuge and our justified repulsion were alleviated by the stately presence of our Permanent Representative to the United Nations, H.E. Araya Desta, who with aplomb traced the path of the so called initiative and eloquently exposed the ruse and fabrications of the US, UK and their subservient states (H.E. Desta’s 23 December 2009 Press Statement).  This was an unprecedented event for Eritrea since it was able to defend its reputation and integrity on a global platform and discredit its historical staunch enemies, the US and the UK.  If their allegations are based on sophistry and distortions, one should then ask what their motives are. Their main intention is to weaken the Government of Eritrea (GoE), undermine the determination of the Eritrean people and create a rift between the state and its citizens, as illustrated by Rice’s divisive language in her above noted press statement.  These continual harassment, accusations, and intimidation tactics will not curtail the Eritrean people and break our will.  On the contrary, consistent with our legacy of facing adversity, their actions will only serve to strengthen our resolve and intensify our support of the GoE’s War on Poverty, Disease and Illiteracy as well as its persistent effort to make Eritrea economically, socially and politically viable.

                             Eritrea is surrounded by corrupt, inept and unstable states which owe their existence to buttressing military and financial aid from the West. As a result, having become their appendages, these governments do not have a choice but to always dance to the tunes of those who control the purse strings. By contrast, the people and Government of Eritrea are fiercely independent due to their history of relying on their own human and material resources to grapple with economic, social and military challenges.  Hence, our propensity to confidently formulate and pursue our own diplomatic policies should be regarded as our sovereign national and popular right. Additionally, we also have the right to criticize policies that we think contribute to the escalation of conflicts and exacerbate the dire economic and social conditions of our region and to advance policies that contribute toward stability and prosperity in the region. This is the basis for the GoE’s policy toward the situation in Somalia in particular and the Horn of Africa in general.

                             Another salient dimension that should be highlighted in this context is the hypocritical nature of policies and reprehensible foreign interventions in the Horn of Africa:

1)      Despite the April 2002 legal resolution of the Eritrean-Ethiopian Border Conflict of which the United Nations, African Union and European Union among other sovereign bodies are legal guarantors, Ethiopia still occupies the town of Badme and other sovereign Eritrean territories. Given this blatant breach of international law for nearly a decade shouldn’t these legal guarantors be preoccupied with imposing sanctions on the more egregious violation by Ethiopia rather than desperately try to find a scapegoat for their ineptitude? (H.E. Desta’s letter to UNSC dated 23 November 2009)

 

2)      Since the fall of Siad Barre almost two decades ago, the US has been keenly involved in many military ploys (see 1993 Black Hawk affair for more information) and aggressive interventions, which have only yielded high civilian casualties and aggravated the turmoil.  More recently from 2000-2004, didn’t the US provide logistical and financial support to Somali warlords to undermine Somali social cohesion and create a de facto polarization of the Somali social fabric?

 

3)      In addition to its support of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), which continues to lose credibility and legitimacy, Ethiopia is providing training and logistical support to a fringe Islamic group, Ahlu Sunna Waljama'a. Needless to say, aiding and abetting such a paramilitary group can envenom an already volatile and polarized political and military situation.

 

4)      Precisely three years ago, late December 2006, with the consummate support of the US government, the Ethiopian regime carried out a flagrant and illegal act of aggression and invaded Somalia, thereby obliterating the glimmer of hope that would have contributed toward the reconstitution of a stable and united Somalia.  Shouldn’t this brazen transgression against the Somali nation and its subsequent atrocities against the Somali people still warrant punitive actions by the United Nations Security Council? (H.E. Desta’s Letter to UNSC dated 15 December 2009)

                     It is equally important to view the “Djiboutian-Eritrean Border” issue as a contrivance of the Ethiopian regime, with the support of the US and its lackeys in the region. This veiled encroachment on Eritrea’s sovereign territory aims to advance US strategic military and political interests and also to facilitate the Ethiopian regime’s territorial ambitions in the region. Given these devious intentions, the GoE rightfully refuses to give credence to or be drawn into this “conflict.” Similarly, every Eritrean, at home and abroad, should acknowledge this as yet another attack on a new front. Having failed miserably, both from the legal and military standpoint, in Badme, the Ethiopian regime and its masters want to open another threat in Southeastern Eritrea in order to detract us from our economic and social mission.

                     As a people, we are fully justified to be repulsed by the concoction of groundless and farcical accusations and repudiate in the strongest terms the preposterous UN actions engineered primarily by the US, UK and their compliant cohorts.  The goals and implications of such machinations are potentially dangerous. However, we should continue to reflect on and savor our historical struggle of heroism, dignity and sacrifice. We should also display resolve and stay the course by intensifying our support of the GoE’s national reconstruction projects. 

                     Every Eritrean has a national obligation to steadfastly oppose these attempts and stand solidly behind the GoE and the tireless efforts of the Eritrean people to defend and develop their nation. In this vein, the discriminatory UNSC Resolution 1907 (2009) calls for H.E. Ban Ki-moon to report within 180 days to the UN Security Council on any advances in light of the sanctions imposed. Therefore, it is incumbent upon Eritreans to invalidate the unjust courses of action historically taken against Eritrea by:

1)      Using this time to render this resolution null and void;

2)      And, definitively exposing the nefarious activities of our adversaries.  

 

We are left with no recourse but to remain alert and pre-emptively act against any further developments concerning these matters and to tackle them with patience, courage and determination.